2013 South Central Seminar in Early Modern Philosophy Abstracts

Chrissy Meijns (University College London/Yale University)
“Suárez on the Unity of Inner Sense Power”
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    Is imagining a stone something different from perceiving a stone, or remembering one? In this paper, I focus on an early defense of a strong 'No' answer to this question, as offered by Francisco Suárez (1548-1617). In his work On the soul (1572), Suárez defends the unity of inner sense: he maintains that even though we can conceive or talk of, say, common sense and imagination as different, in reality all manifestations of inner sense are acts of a single power. The broad stance that Suárez takes in this debate is in itself not novel--it had already been put forward by Augustine, and would gain popularity within a generation of Suárez' writing, for example in Descartes' Regulae (c. 1628). What is radical and requires explicating is how Suárez in his argumentative strategy moves away from standard concerns about the criteria of individuation of inner sense powers.
    Common criteria for the individuation of cognitive capacities, going back at least in part to Plato (Republic V) and Galen (De usu partium VIII), are based on a difference in either act (e.g. apprehensive or retentive acts), or object (e.g. sight is of color, and taste of flavor), or bodily organ (e.g. hearing takes place in the ears, memory in the final ventricle of the brain), or a combination of these. In defending his position, Suárez moves away from these standard criteria for the unity or diversity of inner senses. At some points he simply dismisses them, for example when he sets aside the idea that physiology and the organ of operation can reveal anything about the unity of a power. But in other cases he proposes a more fundamental shift on the metaphysics of the individuation of powers. This is the case when Suárez emphasizes that what determines the unity or diversity of powers is not their acts but what underlies and causes these acts, namely the soul itself. On this line, even if to imagine and to remember a stone are different acts, there still is one unified source that brings them about, and on this basis no real distinction between powers should be accepted. I demonstrate how Suárez' shift on this point is crucial, as it prepares the ground for later discussions on the capacities of the soul, and I bring out how it marks a core contribution to the debate on the individuation of inner sense powers.

Joseph Zepeda (St. Mary's College, California)
“Descartes on Abstraction, Exclusion, and Real Distinction”
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    The distinction Descartes makes between the mental operations of abstraction and exclusion, in the replies to objections to the Meditations, and in letters from the early 1640s, has been recognized by scholars as important for understanding many of his major metaphysical arguments. Recent attention to the development of Descartes' thought has in some cases associated exclusion wholly or mainly with Descartes' later works. {Peter Machamer and J.E. McGuire (Descartes's Changing Mind) argue that the Rules follows "the method of abstraction," while the post-Meditations metaphysics increasingly follows "the method of exclusion." Dugald Murdoch ["Exclusion and Abstraction in Descartes' Metaphysics," PQ 43 (1993): 38-57] claims, more plausibly, that exclusion is present but not emphasized in the Rules.} It has not been appreciated, however, how the early Descartes articulates exclusion as a crucial part of his method. In this essay I examine passages from his early and unpublished Rules for the Direction of the Mind, particularly from Rules 12 and 14. Descartes not only characterizes abstraction and exclusion, and distinguishes between them, but also makes exclusion the test that demarcates contingent from necessary connections between simple natures. Thus the exclusion test is involved in deduction and is hence a major part of the method of the Rules.
    I also argue that Descartes has at least a rudimentary account of real distinction operating in Rule 14 (albeit one couched in terms of the corporeal imagination), and that the operation of exclusion (and its success or failure) is the criterion for real distinction. For the physical realm, this operation has to involve the imagination as well as the intellect. The fact that Descartes articulates a notion of real distinction in the context of the physical imagination or phantasia is potentially illuminating for the development of his later thought on real distinction and separability, a subject much discussed in the recent literature. It suggests that the Cartesian real distinction was first thought of as a relation between different subjects of properties, rather than a distinction, e.g., between two things that can each exist while the other does not. Part of my aim is to show the continuities and contrasts between Descartes' thought on distinction and exclusion in the Rules and his later elaboration and use of these concepts.

Amber Carlson (Notre Dame University)
“The Problem of Universals in Descartes' Dualism”
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    Descartes believes we can know that mind and body are really--metaphysically--distinct because, he thinks, we can clearly and distinctly separate out all attributes of mind from all those of body. While it begins as an epistemological claim, the goodness of God (and Descartes' unique substance metaphysics) ensures its metaphysical implications. In practice, however, a certain subset of universal properties--commonly called transcendentals (duration, unity or number, and existence)--pose a problem. Real distinction relies upon a marked difference between the sorts of properties mind can have (the thinking kind) and the sorts of properties body can have (the corporeal kind). Since transcendentals are by definition common to all objects, it's unclear how they are clearly and distinctly separable, and so it's hard to see how Descartes can get the real distinction that he needs for dualism.
    Fueled by Descartes' conflicting treatment of universals in his Principles and in his Meditations, scholarship on Cartesian universals tends to investigate their ontological status. Some scholars (e.g. Nolan, Chappell, Secada) think that in the Principles Descartes give a conceptualist account of universal properties, suggesting that universals exist only within the mind. Number, for example, is "merely a mode of thinking; and the same applies to all the other universals" (see also To Unknown, 1645 or 1646, CSMK 280; Principles 1.55, CSM 211; Principles I.57; CSM 212.) In the Fifth Meditation, however, Descartes provides support for a realist approach to universals. Using triangularity as one example, he says that he finds within himself countless things such that "they are not my invention but have their own true and immutable natures." This passage's striking espousal of mind-independent natures leads other scholars (e.g. Rozemond, Gewirth) to conclude that Cartesian universals have real existence outside the mind.
    In addition to arguing that transcendentals pose a unique problem for Cartesian dualism, in this paper I argue that transcendentals pose a problem regardless of whether one takes a realist or conceptualist stance. Both Platonic and Aristotelian forms of realism leave Descartes unable to consistently posit transcendentals, and reducing transcendentals to a mere conceptual distinction is not adequate because its repercussions are at odds with central features of his substance metaphysics.
    Finally, I will offer a few potential solutions to the problem of transcendentals including: (1) reassessing the requirements for dualism, (2) allowing that transcendentals simply don't conform to Descartes' substance framework, and (3) assenting to the minority view that there is a difference in kind between properties, attributes, and modes in Descartes.

Lisa Downing, Ohio State University
“Malebranche: Causation, Volition, Impact”
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    Did Malebranche hold a volitional model of agency? In this paper, I argue that the answer is a "no" (despite the interesting case that has been made for that interpretive thesis by Walter Ott). Malebranche does not rule out corporeal causes simply by appealing to a notion of efficient causation that is inflected with finality and which therefore allows only volitions to be causes. On the contrary, he sees impact as a serious challenge (or, at any rate, he is brought to so see it by Fontenelle's critique of occasionalism), and is thoroughly engaged with it, though it turns out to be a persistent trouble spot in his people. Indeed, I argue that the seventh of his Dialogues on Metaphysics and Religion is productively viewed as being built around the goal of disproving body-body causation at impact.

Sanem Soyarslan, North Carolina State University
“The Power of Intuitive Knowledge in Spinoza's Ethics: The Case of Akrasia
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    For Spinoza being virtuous and free consists in our power to moderate and restrain the passions, and the lack of this power is "bondage" (Preface Ethics IV). At the center of human bondage lies the phenomenon of akrasia: the situation wherein "even though [we] see the better for ourselves [we] are…forced to follow the worse" (ibid). Recently Martin Lin (2006) and Eugene Marshall (2008) have framed Spinoza's account of akrasia within the context of the relative power and weakness of reason (ratio) and passion (passio). Although they contribute a great deal to a better understanding of human bondage and freedom in Spinoza's ethical thought, they do so by considering the power and weakness of solely one kind of adequate knowledge-namely, reason. But according to Spinoza's taxonomy of knowledge in the Ethics, reason is not the only kind of adequate knowledge. There is, in addition, intuitive knowledge (scientia intuitiva), which Spinoza describes as constituting "the greatest virtue of the mind" (EVP25) and "the greatest human perfection" (EVP27D).
    Spinoza unequivocally states that intuitive knowledge is "more powerful" (EVP36S) than reason. Nonetheless it is not clear what exactly this greater power promises in the face of the passions. Does this mean that intuitive knowledge is not liable to akrasia? Ronald Sandler (2005, 85-88) offers what, to my knowledge, is the only explicit answer to this question in recent Spinoza scholarship. According to Sandler, intuitive knowledge, unlike reason, is not susceptible to akrasia due to its foundation, immediacy and the "eternal, boundless, and incorruptible" (88) power of the intellectual love of God (amor Dei intellectualis) that this immediate knowledge engenders. Sandler provides a concise treatment of this intriguing claim, which, I believe, deserves further consideration. This claim, if true, bears directly on the extent of human freedom in Spinoza's ethics: It suggests that, once attained, intuitive knowledge will not be overcome by the passions and will thereby enable us to surpass human bondage. In this paper, I consider to what extent (if at all) intuitive knowledge is liable to akrasia by exploring whether Sandler's claim and its implication on human freedom can justifiably be attributed to Spinoza. I argue that, given our modal status, it is not plausible to claim that akrasia would never apply to intuitive knowledge. Yet, we can reasonably hold that intuitive knowledge is less susceptible to akrasia than reason (if not absolutely invulnerable) thanks to its greater affective power.
    In Section 1, I paint in broad strokes Spinoza's account of akrasia as commentators have recently developed it. In Section 2, I introduce Spinoza's account of intuitive knowledge and explain briefly why he considers this cognition as more powerful than reason. In Section 3, I present Sandler's claim that intuitive knowledge is not susceptible to akrasia, a claim that I call "the non-vulnerability thesis" (NVT). Moreover I provide further textual evidence that appears to support NVT. In Section 4, I argue that this appearance is misleading and NVT is untenable: Since intuitive ideas are the ideas of a finite mind actually existing in time, even the intellectual love of God accompanying these ideas cannot provide a boundless power guaranteeing that the power of these ideas will not be overridden by passionate ideas. In other words, even the greatest human perfection cannot enable us to transcend human bondage. I conclude by suggesting that akratic situations would nonetheless be less frequent in connection with intuitive knowledge than in relation to reason thanks to the transformative impact of the former.

Julia Borcherding, Yale University
“Leibniz on Knowing Necessary Truths”
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    In this paper, I examine how Leibniz conceives of our knowledge of necessary truths. I begin by asking what Leibniz means to say when he claims against Locke that all necessary truths are innate to us, and what his motivations might be for claiming this. I then argue that, against what is commonly assumed, Leibniz in fact offers us two theories to account for our knowledge of necessary truths: One theory to account for our implicit knowledge of necessary truths cast terms of innateness; and a corresponding theory to account for our explicit knowledge of necessary truths based on the notion of reflection.
    Furthermore, the discussion of Leibniz's account of our explicit knowledge of necessary truths will show that he, against Descartes and Locke, defends a thoroughly "formalistic" conception of such knowledge: While Leibniz's account is based on the structure of a proposition, Descartes' and Locke's view is based on the nature of the ideas the proposition involves. This difference appears to give Leibniz's theory a crucial epistemological advantage over Locke's (and equally Descartes') "intuitionist" account: While Locke in the end is merely able to appeal to our introspective feeling to account for the certainty of such truths, Leibniz's account appears to provide us with a more substantial criterion to account for their certainty, based on his claim that the Principle of Identity is the logical foundation for all necessary truths.
    My aim in this paper is two-fold: first, to argue for the negative claim that it is not necessarily informative to characterize Leibniz's account in terms of innateness; second, to defend the positive claim that Leibniz provides us with a solid criterion to ground the epistemic status of certain crucial principles, while Locke and Descartes, it seems, must leave the question largely unanswered. Moreover, it is my hope that this paper may help to shed a little more light on a so far mostly neglected yet intriguing part of Leibniz's epistemology that is certainly still deserving of our continued attention today.

Stewart Duncan, University of Florida
“Locke and What God Would Not Do”
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    Locke's Essay is clearly concerned with thinking about God. This emerges most obviously in the arguments of Essay 4.10, and also in later discussions of faith, reason, and enthusiasm. A concern with religious matters also appears elsewhere, as for example in the discussion of allegedly innate religious principles and an allegedly innate idea of God in Book 1. One might however be inclined to think that, outside such direct discussions, God does not play much of a role in Locke's people. The bulk of the Essay, one might say, could proceed pretty much as it does, even if its author did not believe in God.
    In this paper I argue, contrary to the above suggestion, that beliefs about God play a crucial role in several of Locke's arguments, even when he is not discussing obviously religious topics. There is some reference to what God could have done, as in the discussion of superaddition in 4.3.6. I focus however on Locke's reliance on beliefs about what God would not have done.
    That occurs throughout the Essay: I give a few examples here. For an early example, consider Locke's claim "that it would be impertinent to suppose, the ideas of colours innate in a creature, to whom God hath given sight, and a power to receive them by the eyes, from external objects" (1.2.1). Early in Book 2, in Locke's discussion of whether the mind always thinks, he argues using the claim that "it is hardly to be conceived, that our infinitely wise Creator should make so admirable a faculty as the power of thinking, that faculty which comes nearest the excellency of his own incomprehensible being, to be so idly and uselessly employed" (2.1.15). Such arguments are perhaps less prevalent in Book 3, but even there God's role in the general picture is clear, as is illustrated by way God's design is invoked at the very beginning of the book. Beliefs about God again play an important role in the discussions of knowledge in Book 4, as in the discussion of the reality of simple ideas, produced in us by the regular workings of external objects, which give rise to "those perceptions which by the wisdom and will of our maker they are ordained and adapted to" (4.4.4).
    These references to God and the way he has made the world are not, I argue, mere rhetorical flourishes. A picture of God and how he designed the world is doing important argumentative work for Locke--most prominently, but not only, in his discussions of innateness and knowledge. This has consequences for how we understand his arguments, and for how we answer some well-worn questions about Locke's attitude to certain skeptical issues. It also creates puzzles, which the paper addresses, as to how Locke's beliefs about what God would not do relate to his general epistemic modesty, which makes God's plans and intentions a rather unlikely subject for his discussions.

Kristen Irwin, Biola University, California
“Locke and Bayle on Religious (In)tolerance”
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    While many commentators have profitably juxtaposed Locke and Bayle's positions on religious tolerance, in this paper I argue that the similarities and differences in their arguments are not what they are usually taken to be.
    In his Letter Concerning Toleration (1689), Locke offers four main arguments against religious intolerance: intolerance is inconsistent with Christian behavioral obligations; civil government must not interfere in autonomously organized communities so long as they are respecting civil obligations; intolerance does not actually bring about true belief; and many beliefs that motivate intolerance are false or ill-grounded (Goldie 2010). Call these the Christian, civil, pragmatic, and skeptical arguments against religious intolerance, respectively.
    Similarly, in his Philosophical Commentary (1686), Bayle offers several arguments against religious intolerance: the moral obligations of conscience are not diminished even when based on false beliefs; we ought to renounce rights and liberties if others' exercise of them in good conscience would lead to evil; and we have a right to affirm and act on beliefs for which we have no conclusive evidence. Following Kilcullen (1988), I call these the rights of conscience, reciprocity, and inconclusive evidence arguments for religious tolerance, respectively.
    My rereading of Locke and Bayle is twofold. First, while it's generally assumed that Locke's arguments for religious tolerance are mostly grounded in religious claims and Bayle's are mostly grounded in secular claims, the picture is considerably more complicated. In fact, Locke's civil and skeptical arguments against religious intolerance in the Letter Concerning Toleration do not rely on religious premises, and even his pragmatic argument against religious intolerance need not rely on them. Further, each of Bayle's arguments in favor of religious tolerance in the Philosophical Commentary are made in the service of reinterpreting a Christian text often used to justify religious coercion; in other words, the arguments themselves are deployed to the end of correct religious doctrine.
    Second, while Locke & Bayle are often said to be arguing in favor of religious tolerance, there is a distinction to be made between arguing for religious tolerance and arguing against religious intolerance. While Locke's Christian and skeptical arguments could be construed as supporting religious tolerance, his civil and pragmatic arguments are primarily an attack on religious intolerance, given its ill effects on civil society. Similarly, while Bayle is arguing in favor of religious tolerance with respect to belief in his rights of conscience and evidence arguments, his reciprocity argument is actually an attack on the permissibility of religiously intolerant acts; in fact, the ostensible topic of the Philosophical Commentary is an attack on a misinterpretation of Scripture to permit religious intolerance.
    Locke and Bayle are not, then, simply articulating early versions of contemporary arguments for religious tolerance. They have unique, specific premises that drive each of their arguments--in some cases religious, and in some cases secular--and, contra the usual gloss, are typically more concerned to argue against religious intolerance than to argue in favor of religious tolerance.

Stefan Storrie, Trinity College Dublin
“Berkeley and the Internal 'Ought'”
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    Stephen Darwall (1990, 1992, 1993, 1995, 2005, 2006) has developed a comprehensive historiography of the early modern British moralists. What unifies the British moralists including Berkeley, he argues, is that they subscribed to a certain form of internalism, that "[o]bligation […] consists in something internal to the moral agent in some suitable sense, it can be realized only in motives available to a deliberating agent, from a practical point of view" (1995, p. 11). It is noteworthy that the internalist view developed in two distinct directions. One of the driving forces was a wish to make morality consistent with a largely naturalist and empiricist metaphysics (Hobbes, sometimes Locke, allegedly Berkeley, etc.). The other drive was towards the recognition of the human subject as an autonomous or practically self-legislating being (Shaftesbury, sometimes Locke, etc.). Speaking very generally, these two developments worked together to lead us to a view of us and the world where rationality and purpose is imposed by us, now seen as scientists and creators of value, on a diffuse, in itself meaningless, reality.
    When giving such a general account of the direction of thought there is a danger of assimilating all thinkers at the time into such a scheme. It is tempting to view these philosophers as vessels for a historical spirit that is destined to run its course (see Taylor 1989, 256; Macintyre 2007, 55). Undoubtedly some thinkers of this period were simply adopting a point of view that was in general acceptance, while some of the more able and reflective reasoned that some strand of the development outlined above was desirable, perhaps also necessary for what they took to be the right kinds of ends. Berkeley, however, did not belong to either of these categories. While he clearly saw how the new understanding of obligation was transforming the moral landscape, he thought this new development was catastrophic. Berkeley's response makes his approach to the nature of obligation complex and unique, and consequently the history of the 'British' moralists is more divergent and self-reflective than previously thought.
    I will argue that Berkeley's starting position (Passive Obedience) was rooted in one strand of the internalist tradition of the British moralists, the prudential 'ought' is internal (Hobbes, Locke, Shaftesbury), the moral 'ought' (contra Hobbes and Shaftesbury but with Locke) is external. However, Berkeley's position develops (Alciphron) as he reacted against the chief autonomist, Shaftesbury, and what Berkeley perceived to be the subjectivist draining of rationality from nature and the transference of all meaning and value to the constitutive self. Seeing clearly where the revolution was heading he did not simply push the naturalist internalist view but instead sought council in ancient thought, in particular the Stoics, who he understood as externalists also about the prudential 'ought'. Berkeley's meta-ethics was therefore fundamentally at odds with what was happening around him. While others were narrowing their positions to progressively precise account of the two strands of internalism, Berkeley developed a method for a large scale evaluation of moral schemes that allowed both for his early moderate internalist view and allowed for the radical externalism of Stoicism and Quietism.

Hsueh Qu, New York University
“Hume’s Practically Epistemic Conclusions”
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    The inoffensive title of Section 1.4.7 of Hume's Treatise of Human Nature, 'Conclusion of this Book', belies the convoluted treatment of scepticism contained within. It is notoriously difficult to decipher Hume's considered response to scepticism in this section, or whether he even has one. In recent years, however, one line of interpretation has gained popularity in the literature. The 'usefulness and agreeableness reading' (henceforth U&A) interprets Hume as arguing in THN 1.4.7 that our beliefs and/or epistemic policies are justified via their usefulness and agreeableness to the self and others; proponents include Ardal 1976, Kail 2005, McCormick 2005, Owen 1999, and Ridge 2003.
    In this paper, I will argue that although U&A has textual merit, it struggles to maintain a substantive distinction between epistemic and moral justification - a distinction that Hume insists on in claiming that 'Laudable or blameable, therefore, are not the same with reasonable or unreasonable' (THN 3.1.1.10). The sceptical arguments of THN 1.4.7 are so severe as to threaten to preclude our beliefs of any epistemic justification whatsoever, yet Hume seems to treat some beliefs as epistemically justified; this means that the justificatory arguments of THN 1.4.7 must make up the shortfall in epistemic justification. Yet this requires U&A to maintain that for Hume, both moral and epistemic justification are founded on usefulness and agreeableness, threatening to collapse the distinction between the two.
    I then attempt to carve out the logical space for there being a distinctly epistemic notion of justification founded on usefulness and agreeableness by differentiating the relevant underlying dispositions: moral justification concerns the usefulness and agreeableness of sentiment-forming dispositions, while epistemic justification concerns the usefulness and agreeableness of belief-forming dispositions. However, I find that such an account is problematic for two reasons: first, it cannot take advantage of the textual support for U&A, since THN 1.4.7 emphasises the usefulness and agreeableness of the sentiments of curiosity and ambition; secondly, such an account is incompatible with Hume's account of the intellectual virtues.