Answers at end.

True/False

1.  The primary task of social or political philosophy is to describe different social or political systems, not to determine which of those systems are more justified or desirable.

2.  Political philosophy deals with questions about whether political authority (e.g., government, law) is justified.

3.  According to Plato, because human beings are naturally greedy and envious, they are also naturally anti-social.

4.  Plato rejects democratic forms of government because most people in society lack the knowledge and emotional control to make informed and rational decisions about governmental policies.

5.  In Plato's view, because the rulers of a State do not aim to promote their own happiness or self-interests, they do not need to follow the civil laws which they themselves establish.

6.  According to Plato, because the rulers of a society are motivated solely by their self-less commitment to the welfare of the State, they do not have to be told the "noble lie."

7.  According to Plato, even the rulers of a society have to be told the "noble lie" so that they are motivated to pursue lives of self-less commitment to the welfare of the State.

8.  In Plato's theory of the state, justice is ultimately achieved when the ruling class is able to do away with social inequalities by driving the military and working classes out of society.

9.  According to legal positivists, there is no justice, injustice, or political legitimacy apart from what is established by those who have the power to enforce their wills.

10.  In the Hobbesian state of nature, every person has the right to any thing as long as no one else makes a claim to the same thing.

11.  Hobbes argues that in the state of nature no one has any natural rights because there is no sovereign or civil law in the state of nature.

12.  According to Hobbes, the decision to give up one's natural rights to the sovereign is a rational, self-interested act.

13.  For Hobbes, the state (i.e., government) is necessary to force individuals to respect the lives of others and the covenants or laws that make social existence possible.

14.  In Hobbes's absolutist political philosophy, nothing is right or wrong, just or unjust, apart from being designated as such by the law.

15.  In Hobbes' absolutist political philosophy, individuals agree to allow the sovereign (i.e., the state) to decide what is right or wrong for them in order to avoid the terror of life in the state of nature.

16.  For Hobbes, the laws of nature--individuals should seek peace, yield their natural rights to obtain freedom, and keep covenants--can justifiably be violated only if individuals think of better alternatives.

17.  According to Hobbes, our lives in the state of nature are "solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short" because in the state of nature we have no natural rights--not even the right to do what is necessary to survive.

18.  Though Hobbes accepts the theory of a social contract, he does not believe that individuals should abide by it and follow the laws of their society when they disagree with the sovereign.

19.  According to Hobbes, though most human beings need to be forced to live sociably through laws, some are not obligated to obey laws because they are naturally altruistic (i.e., concerned for others).

20.  Critics point out that Hobbes does not allow for revising laws or holding authorities accountable because he does not explain how the sovereign (or government) can enforce laws.

21.  Even though Hobbes and  Locke appeal to the social contract to describe how citizens are obligated to obey the law, they do not appeal to social contract to explain why we have States at all.

22.  According to Locke, the right to own property has its basis not in any civil law established by government but in the God-given law of nature.

23.  According to Locke, the primary purpose of government/law is to protect our life, liberty, and especially property.

24.  According to Locke's version of classical liberalism, the purpose of government and laws is to resolve conflicts among individuals who have a natural right to protect themselves and their property.

25.  According to Locke, in societies where governments are formed by means of social contracts, individuals freely give up all of their rights (including that of revolting against the government).

26.  In the state of nature, according to Locke, each person has the right to punish anyone who violates his or her rights.

27.  Locke notes that we have a natural right to own whatever we produce as long as we can use it before it spoils.

28.  In the state of nature Locke describes, solitary individuals live according to rational self-interest.

29.  A hypothetical or tacit consent to a form of government or a system of laws is that consent which a person gives in choosing to stay in a country.

30.  Critics of the social contract (e.g., Hume) point out that, even though we have voluntarily and knowingly agreed to such a contract, each one of us has a legal right not to have to follow it.

31.  According to Locke, tacit consent to abide by governmental authority extends only to those laws with which the individual agrees.

32.  Unlike Hobbes, Locke argues that the social contract that forms the basis of political obligation is made between the people and the sovereign (i.e., the government or State).

33.  Against Hobbes and Locke, Hume says that most people never voluntarily or knowingly agree to a social contract.

34.  According to Locke, political revolution and civil disobedience are permitted if the State does not represent the will of the people or fails to protect private property.

35.  Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau agree that individuals considered apart from or prior to their participation in society are in the "state of nature."

36.  Communitarians (e.g., Aristotle, Hegel) argue that even though we develop culturally through political interactions, we cannot achieve freedom in relation to others as long as the State exists.

37.  Communitarians such as Aristotle and Hegel argue that individuals rely on the State so that they can exercise their freedom in relation to others and develop civility and culture.

38.  For Aristotle social virtue is possible only if social inequalities (e.g., differences in wealth, talent) are eliminated.

39.  Critics point out that the communitarian focus on the "public good" inhibits the development of diverse (e.g., multicultural) views.

40.  Rousseau claims that civil society perverts natural virtues by making people care more about being law-abiding and polite rather than being moral and sincere.

41.  According to Rousseau, I am obligated to obey a law as an expression of the general will except if I disagree with the law.

42.  In civil society, Rousseau claims, individuals become more sincere and motivated to act morally insofar as they respond to laws forcing them to act politely.

43.  In civil society, Rousseau claims, individuals are more sincere and motivated to act morally when they are forced to conform their naturally evil inclinations to the general will.

44.  Natural virtues like self-love or pity, Rousseau argues, are destroyed the moment we enter into a "social contract" to follow, along with others, the general will.

45.  For Rousseau, moral distinctions (e.g., good-bad) emerge in societies or communities prior to the "legal-illegal" distinction established in civil society.

46.  According to Rousseau, a citizen is bound by the social contract only if he or she engages in the contract freely and benefits from the arrangement.

47.  Like Rousseau, Mill argues that it is the responsibility of the State to improve the moral sensibilities of its citizens through laws.

48.  According to J. S. Mill, we can avoid the "tyranny of the majority" primarily by ensuring that private matters are not treated as matters needing public regulation.

49.  According to J. S. Mill, because governments have a legitimate interest in the well-being of their citizens, they are justified in passing laws forcing people to improve themselves.

50.  According to J. S. Mill, limits on individual liberty are appropriate only when the majority of people in a society approve of them.

51.  In contrast to the classical conservative, the modern conservative thinks of private, personal matters as public, social matters.

52.  The conservative says that people are not naturally rational, but that they can become rational by adhering to traditions and social forms of exchange.

53.  Classical liberal democratic theory (such as is developed by J. S. Mill) assumes that individuals are motivated to act in ways that they see as being in their own rational self-interest.

54. Laissez-faire liberalism presumes that because individuals seldom act in rational, self-interested ways, they must be guided (in their private as well as public lives) by civil laws.

55.  Like civil libertarians, classical liberals (e.g., Locke) argue that the State is justified in passing laws regulating personal behavior (e.g., drug use, abortion, sexual activity) because people cannot be trusted to act properly.

56.  Civil libertarians claim that the task of government is to implement the moral beliefs of a society in laws, even if that means limiting the freedom of individuals who adopt different moral values.

57.  Libertarians argue that we are obligated to obey the laws of the State only to the extent that those laws protect and preserve the freedom of the individual to act in ways that do not harm others.

58.  Libertarians argue that governmental involvement in individuals' lives violates their rights to do what they want (even if what they want is to hurt themselves).

59.  Libertarians argue that, because government should protect the rights of individuals to express themselves freely, there should be no laws against libel or fraud (which are forms of self-expression).

60.  Libertarians argue that laws should not prevent a rational adult from hurting himself if he wants to do that.

61.  Libertarians say that government has no right to enact laws to protect people from themselves or force them to help others live a good life because no one has a civil (i.e., legal) right to a good life.

62.  Because libertarians support the free exchange of goods and services, they claim that the State has no right to establish laws that protect individuals from being tricked or otherwise harmed.

63.  Libertarians claim that because citizens need to be educated about how their actions can cause harm to others, public education must be a responsibility of government.

64.  According to libertarians, individuals should not be forced by law to give up their freedom or property (e.g., in taxation) unless such practices improve the lives of others in the society.

65.  Civil libertarians adopt a negative notion of freedom insofar as they emphasize the right of individuals to be free from interference by others.

66.  The positive notion of freedom--or simply, positive freedom--is the ability to do something (e.g., achieve a desired goal) due to one's natural skill or through help or guidance from someone else.

67.  Negative freedom is the freedom to be able to act without external interference.

68.  Positive freedom is the ability to do something which is made possible by someone's (e.g., society's) doing something (rather than not doing something).

69.  Welfare-state capitalism results when the government controls social and economic interactions that are irrational or uninformed (and thus are not guided by the "invisible hand" of the marketplace).

70.  Unlike Hobbes and Locke, Marx claims that there is no natural right to private property.

71.  In Marx's view, the liberal claim that every individual acts in self-interested ways is the unnatural and anti-human product of the externalization of productive labor.

72.  According to Marx, since government is needed only to protect private property, the need for government will disappear when private property is communally owned.

73.  According to Marx, by alienating their labor in private property, human beings regain the freedom to pursue their individual interests.

74.  In capitalism, Marx notes, the reason why people obey laws and are concerned for others depends on self-interest or fear of punishment.

75.  According to Marx, because individuals are naturally interested in owning private property, the social concern for others implicit in communism has to be taught to them by means of laws.

76.  In a capitalist society the worker (according to Marx) is alienated from himself because he has no control over the products of his labor.

77.  According to Marx, the alienation of workers  from their labor and from one another is the result of their natural, human need to own private property.

78.  According to Marx, the alienation of workers from their labor and from one another is the result of their natural inclination to promote their rational self-interest.

79.  According to Marx, human beings are naturally sociable and like to work because they define what and who they are by means of their labor.

80.  Marx claims that when people are no longer alienated from the products of their labor and from one another by the economic relations imposed in capitalism, their lives will once again have meaning.

81.  Marx claims that after the revolution of the proletariat (working class), the value of workers will no longer be defined in terms of their labor.

82.  Marx emphasizes retributive rather than distributive justice because, for him, the State provides the means for each person to contribute according to his/her ability and to receive according to his/her need.

83.  As the goal of history, the communist revolution will occur (according to Marx) when all members of society recognize how people have always been free from economic influences.

84.  Because the civil disobedient and the political revolutionary both challenge the laws of a country, they are identical--especially regarding the reasons they give for their actions.

85.  A utilitarian theory of justice is called an egalitarian theory because it claims that the most just system produces the greatest amount of happiness for the greatest number of people.

86.  In a utilitarian theory of justice, all persons are thought to have a right to equal treatment except when social expedience requires otherwise.

87.  Because retribution serves a purpose--namely, giving someone what is due to him or her--it is generally considered a utilitarian justification for punishment.

88.  In the retributive notion of justice, the purpose of punishment is to change the person's character so that he or she does not commit such offenses again.

89.  Utilitarian justice respects claims of individuals (e.g., to life, liberty) when such claims are natural or God-given rights, regardless of whether the society benefits from recognizing those rights.

90.  According to anarchists, because governments have a legitimate interest in the well-being of their citizens, they are justified in passing laws forcing people to improve themselves.

91.  According to anarchists, laws and governmental involvement in individuals' lives tend to undermine the internalization of personal values.

92.  According to the anarchist, no state-based legislation can be morally justified because all governmental intrusions into the lives of individuals are infringements on their freedom.

93.  In Nozick's minimal state theory, redistribution of wealth through taxation is a form of state-sponsored theft because it violates our right to use our property as we see fit.

94.  In Nozick's minimal state theory, the proper role for government is to protect the rights of rational, self-interested individuals who want to act without external interference.

95.  According to Nozick's minimal state theory of government, taxation to finance efforts to protect private property violates an individual's right to decide how to distribute his or her property.

96.  For opponents to the socialist welfare state, the right to own property is as basic as the rights to life and liberty because, without property, the other two rights are not possible.

97.  Socialism assumes that people do not always act in rationally self-interested ways and therefore need to rely on social institutions for their own welfare.

98.  Welfare-state capitalism results when the government manages exchanges that are irrational or uninformed (and thus are not guided by the "invisible hand" of the marketplace).

99.  In a welfare state, only the very wealthy benefit from government supports (e.g., farm subsidies, tax incentives) because only the wealthy know what is in their own self-interest.

100.  In Rawls' liberal theory of the state, a society cannot be considered just unless it does away with inequalities in wealth, prestige, power, or social rank.

101.  In Rawls' theory, a just society could permit inequalities in wealth or authority only if the existence of such inequalities guarantees that everyone has exactly the same (equal) benefits and burdens in society.

102.  In Rawls' description of the just state, governments attempt to give all citizens the ability to engage equally in social interactions.

103.  According to Rawls' liberal social contract, since no one deserves anything (e.g., inherited wealth) apart from what the social contract indicates is fair, governmental redistribution of wealth is justified.

104.  Theories of distributive justice describe how social benefits and responsibilities should be arranged based on what people have done rather than simply on their being members of a society.

105.  Because inequalities of wealth among nations are not matters of justice, they are not addressed in social people.

106.  In Rawls' liberal state, inequalities of birth are corrected by redistributing wealth so that everyone is equally wealthy.

107.  By adopting a "veil of ignorance," every person in Rawls' just society claims not to know whether his or her amount of liberty is compatible with a similar liberty for others.

108.  In Rawls' theory of justice as fairness, because no one knows (under the "veil of ignorance") what social position he will occupy, no one should be willing to accept social inequalities.

109.  In order to implement a social system consistent with the theory of justice he outlines, Rawls indicates that a "principle of redress" must be enacted to correct undeserved inequities.

Multiple Choice

110.  According to Plato, because average people lack the knowledge and control of emotions necessary to make informed and rational decisions about governmental policies and laws, they should entrust such matters to:
  (a) those who have the most power--that is, those who (as the legal positivists say) are able to enforce the law.
  (b) no one other than themselves, for (despite their shortcomings) they are always able to judge for themselves.
  (c) the general consensus or will of the community, as determined by adopting the "veil of ignorance."
  (d) those who know what a community's best interests are and who control their emotions (i.e., philosophers).

111.  Plato says that social and political order depends on our accepting the "noble lie" that:
  (a) unlike other people, philosophers are not naturally inclined to form societies.
  (b) certain people have a God-given right to rule over those whom nature selects as lower (working) class.
  (c) we avoid anomie (aimlessness) by replacing lower class self-interest (greed) with philosophic selflessness.
  (d) because philosophers think not of their own self-interests but the interests of society, they should rule.

112.  According to Plato, humans are naturally social beings due to our inability to survive by ourselves.  He points out, however, that without a definite structure to guide our interactions, we cannot exist socially.  In particular we must control greed and envy by means of:
  (a) making all members of society equal in power or prestige by outlawing private property.
  (b) telling people a "noble lie" that justifies class differences in property ownership and power.
  (c) prohibiting the movement of anyone from one class to another class.
  (d) allowing the guardians to have some fun and own some things, and the workers to share some power.

113.  In Plato's State, greed and property ownership motivate the working class to produce goods for society. Rulers and law enforcers, however, are not permitted to own property or to have their own spouses or families because:
  (a) the enforcers are used to following orders, whereas the rulers are more inclined to give orders.
  (b) having a family or owning property gives individuals a sense of purpose, meaning, and direction, thus avoiding anomie.
  (c) property ownership and family relations are foundations on which all political commitments are based.
  (d) concern for private or personal matters would turn their attention away from their public responsibilities.

114.  Plato says that only rational, self-restrained philosophers should rule, because ordinary citizens cannot be trusted to put the interests of the State ahead of their own.  A typical response to Plato's worries about democratic forms of government is to point out that he overlooks the fact that:
  (a) even rational, self-restrained philosopher-kings cannot be trusted to promote the general good.
  (b) citizens can develop a system of checks and balances that prevent the majority from abusing power.
  (c) no one will be willing to become a political leader if it requires a lifetime of study and commitment.
  (d) most ordinary citizens prefer democracies over philosopher-ruled kingdoms.

115.  "Where there is no coercive power erected, that is, where there is no commonwealth, there is no propriety; all men having right to all things: therefore, where there is no commonwealth, there is nothing unjust."  Here Hobbes notes that without the state and the contract to follow laws:
  (a) any act is permissible.
  (b) all acts, except immoral acts in the state of nature, are permissible.
  (c) only acts that violate the laws or that undermine the political covenant have moral meaning.
  (d) morality and legality are equally meaningless in the commonwealth: there is only power.

116.  In Hobbes' state of nature, people are in a war of "all against all" because they compete for scarce resources and:
  (a) act irrationally--that is, contrary to natural law.
  (b) rely on government to protect private property.
  (c) do not agree on what is right, proper, or just.
  (d) defy legal positivism (i.e., the sovereign's will).

117.  "It is manifest that, during the time men live without a common power to keep them all in awe, they are in that condition which is call war, and such a war as is of every man against every man."  Here Hobbes:
  (a) indicates why a just society cannot permit individuals to pursue their own self-interests.
  (b) describes the state of nature situation in which human beings are unregulated by law.
  (c) provides the justification for why a people (e.g., British subjects) should free themselves from the tyranny of an authoritarian dictatorship.
  (d) shows how threats of punishment educate citizens (like children) on how to obey the law.

118.  Hobbes says that there are many reasons why we need to be coerced (forced) to live sociably.  Which of the following IS NOT one of those reasons?
  (a) We are never satisfied with what we have, and we are always being offended by others or feel superior to others, even for no apparent reason.
  (b) Our different ways of reasoning and understanding what words mean cause us to imagine what we think of as better ways things could be done.
  (c) We can create political obligations in a State (i.e., a "commonwealth") only by agreeing to give up our individual wills to create a sovereign will.
  (d) We do not naturally agree with one another about what is for our common good because we always pursue our private good.

119.  In civil society, Hobbes argues, people are obligated to follow the dictates of the sovereign because:
  (a) the sovereign embodies the people's will that a uniform set of laws be enforced to bring about peace.
  (b) in the state of nature the sovereign is the strongest and most likely person to be rational in civil society.
  (c) by virtue of his/her birth, the sovereign is God's chosen leader and thus demands obedience from subjects.
  (d) without a sovereign, there is no civil or natural law.

120.  Which of the following IS NOT one of Hobbes' fundamental laws of nature?
  (a) Every person ought to seek peace and to defend himself or herself in war.
  (b) In order to achieve peace, individuals should give up their rights as long as others do likewise.
  (c) Anyone who disagrees with the sovereign has a moral right to follow his or her conscience.
  (d) Individuals should abide by their covenants.

121.  Which of the following IS NOT one of Hobbes' fundamental laws of nature?
   (a) We should seek peace and defend ourselves against those who would destroy us.
   (b) It is rational to yield our natural rights in a social contract to be free of the fear of being killed.
   (c) We should keep our covenants, especially our agreement to obey the law established by the sovereign.
   (d) We should always follow our consciences, even when they conflict with the laws of the state.

122.  Some critics of Hobbes ask that, if people enter into a social contract because they acknowledge that it is the rational thing to do, then why can't they rely on their natural rationality to relate to one another without having to form a government or to institute laws?  Hobbes replies that:
  (a) even in the state of nature, rational individuals may disagree on what is appropriate behavior; the purpose of government and law is to resolve such conflicts.
  (b) in their natural state, human beings only appear to be rational; they really are irrational, and that is why they need government and laws to restraint their behavior.
  (c) the formation of a government and a system of laws is imposed by the sovereign on citizens against their will; it certainly is not the rational act of autonomous beings.
  (d) since laws are concerned only with the well-being of others, self-interested behavior is never rational.

123.  Which of the following IS NOT an objection typically raised against Hobbes' absolutist political philosophy?
  (a) Hobbes' pessimistic view of human nature ignores the fact that human beings can act altruistically.
  (b) Hobbes' elimination of individual civil rights is too extreme: some freedoms should be retained in order to be able to revise laws and hold authorities accountable.
  (c) Hobbes' theory tells us that disobeying the law will be detrimental to us, but it does not tell us why we shouldn't disobey the law when we can get away with it.
  (d) Hobbes' attacks on human reason and speech do not explain why we have to be forced to live sociably.

124.  Hobbes argues that civil disobedience is never justified based on appeals to so-called civil rights, because those very rights:
  (a) require that each person follow his conscience in deciding whether to obey the law.
  (b) do not exist apart from their recognition in law.
  (c) are matters of political or civil interest, and are not matters of ethical concern.
  (d) cannot be violated unless we agree to obey the law.

125.  According to Hobbes, rebellion against the sovereign cannot be justified by claiming that the sovereign fails to live up to his end of the social contract because:
  (a) it is the sovereign who forces subjects to form a social contract in the first place.
  (b) the sovereign's way of distinguishing between right and wrong is based on his selfishness, not natural law.
  (c) not even the sovereign can keep all his promises, especially thoses established in the social contract.
  (d) the sovereign does not agree to, and thus cannot fail to abide by, a contract with his subjects.

126.  Hobbes argues that no revolt against the sovereign is ever justified--unless, of course, the revolution succeeds, in which case it would be justfied because:
  (a) in the state of nature, every act (even an attack on the sovereign) is morally justified.
  (b) the possibility of political revolution keeps rulers from doing things that would harm the State.
  (c) political revolts destroy the social contract and allow individuals to reclaim their natural rights.
  (d) as the new rulers, the revolutionaries can designate their previous acts as justified.

127.  Hobbes claims that fear drives people out of a state of nature in which there are no universally agreed-upon moral distinctions, but Locke claims that:
  (a) in the state of nature the sovereign determines moral distinctions, but in civil society the people decide.
  (b) resources in the state of nature (vs. civil society) are plentiful, so moral distinctions are unnecessary.
  (c) there are moral distinctions in the state of nature, but civil society offers hope for an even better life.
  (d) moral distinctions in the state of nature are established by God, but in civil society there is no morality.

128.  Because Hobbes and Locke disagree on whether the state of nature is characterized by scarcity or plenty, they disagree on whether personal relations in the state of nature can be considered moral.  How?
  (a) Hobbes says that prior to civil society there is no morality; whereas Locke says that acting morally means acting in accord with God's natural laws (even apart from civil society).
  (b) For Hobbes, the state of nature is a war of "all against all"; whereas for Locke, individuals in the state of nature are indifferent to one another (and thus treat each other immorally).
  (c) In Hobbes' state of nature, individuals compete for scarce resources and often act immorally, but for Locke, humans in the state of nature cooperate to make their personal lives better.
  (d) For Hobbes, acting morally means acting simply to survive, even if others don't; for Locke, it means overcoming aggressive instincts in order to achieve peace in the state of nature.

129.  According to Locke, human beings have a natural, God-given right to own property insofar as they:
  (a) make the products of their labor available to other people and distribute those products to others.
  (b) limit their property-claims only to what is recognized as legitimate by civil laws.
  (c) transform nature, through their labor, into something they can use before those goods spoil.
  (d) can transform what they own into money or other forms of wealth.

130.  Hobbes and Locke are referred to as classical liberals rather than conservatives because they believe that:
  (a) individuals naturally act in rational, self-interested ways.
  (b) individuals need to leave the state of nature in order to have guidance from civil laws.
  (c) individuals need governmental restraint only regarding economic (e.g., property) matters.
  (d) a society or community can guide individuals' behavior without government or civil laws.

131.  According to classical liberals like Locke, "The reason why men enter into society is the preservation of their property."  Since one's rightful claims to property are limited to one's labor, the ability to use the property, and the needs of others, the primary role of government is:
  (a) to distribute the products of labor "each according to his ability, each according to his need."
  (b) to implement laws that educate individuals about how they should share with others.
  (c) to limit the extent to which individuals are permitted to engage in trade in property.
  (d) to arbitrate conflicts in property claims and to facilitate the exchange of productive labor.

132.  Locke argues that individuals in the state of nature recognize the need for government and laws, because in the state of nature:
  (a) the government has a God-given right to take property away from individuals, even when those individuals have labored to make that property their own.
  (b) wealth is distributed based solely on ability or inheritance, whereas in civil society wealth is distributed based on need.
  (c) moral distinctions are themselves based on civil laws, not on natural rights.
  (d) there are no impartial judges, precise laws, or sufficient powers to protect natural rights and to restrain excessive punishment of violations of the moral law.

133.  According to Locke, political revolution (and civil disobedience) is permitted if the political authority is unable or unwilling to protect private property.  In such a case, authority reverts back to the people (society).  Such a reversion of power would be impossible in Hobbes' account because, for Hobbes:
  (a) each person must follow his/her conscience, regardless of what the government or law says.
  (b) disobeying the law is always justified as long as the law-breaker thinks it is in his/her best interest.
  (c) apart from the organization provided by the sovereign's laws, there is no "people," only individuals.
  (d) there is no implicit consent to accept the government, so how the government acts does not matter.

134.  According to Locke's form of classical liberalism, civil disobedience is permitted only when:
  (a) there is a conflict among individuals about how to resolve disputes over private property.
  (b) individuals in the state of nature recognize that cooperation can improve their impoverished state.
  (c) the state fails to represent the people or to protect property rights.
  (d) violating the law is the only way that people can express tacit consent.

135.  Locke argues that, because the authority of the State comes from the people, civil laws are binding only on those who have consented to be governed.  To critics who claim that most people have never given such consent, he replies:
 (a) only a few people ever really understand the law, so it does not matter whether they consent to it or not.
 (b) the obligation to obey civil law contradicts our explicit intention (and consent) to obey the law of God.
 (c) our consent to follow civil law depends on how much property we need to have protected by government.
 (d) anyone who lives in a country and is protected by its laws gives tacit (implied) consent to be governed.

136.  Critics claim that Locke's doctrine of tacit consent ignores how citizens often fail to recognize the limitations of their political system and how their lives could be better under another system.  They cannot be said to consent because:
  (a) their choices are uninformed and unavoidable.
  (b) their choices express the majority's will.
  (c) their claims of natural rights are based on religion.
  (d) their decisions are guided by the general will.

137.  In Locke's account of the state of nature, human beings have natural rights, the violation of which would constitute a violation of justice and the moral law.  This differs from Hobbes's account of the state of nature in that, for Hobbes:
 (a) the moral law and justice do not exist until the sovereign establishes civil law.
 (b) the law of nature is violated only by those who harm others in order to survive.
 (c) individuals can administer their own "justice" only within civil societies.
 (d) only the sovereign is permitted to violate the moral law in the state of nature.

138.  According to Locke, in the state of nature we have a natural right to punish those who hurt us or take our property.  In this regard, civil society is preferable to our natural state, because through its legal system a society can:
  (a) punish the sovereign by restricting the power of the state through the social contract.
  (b) clarify individual rights and regulate the severity of punishments.
  (c) take property away from those who have accumulated it and give it to those who deserve it (meritocracy).
  (d) punish all lawbreakers, even those who have not explicitly consented to uphold the social contract.

139.  According to Locke, "every man that hath any possession or enjoyment of any part of the dominions of any government doth thereby give his tacit consent, and is as far forth obliged to obedience to the laws of that government during such enjoyment as any one under it."  One of the major objections against this position is that:
  (a) no one in a society has to like or enjoy its laws; all that is required is that people are informed about the laws and about the punishments involved with violating them.
  (b) through voting, citizens are able to express their tacit consent to policies that benefit everyone in the society, even those who vote against those policies and lose.
  (c) it ignores the fact that most people do not know fully what such tacit consent means, often cannot evaluate it impartially, and are rarely able to leave their society even if they wanted to.
  (d) it implies that only those citizens who explicitly agree to certain laws or policies are obligated to obey them, and that does not make any sense.

140.  Locke claims that in the state of nature individuals have the right to punish those who violate the rights of others because such violations merit or deserve punishment.  This way of thinking about punishment is based on which theory of punishment?
 (a) Social protection theory.
 (b) Retributive theory.
 (c) Deterrence theory.
 (d) Reform theory.

141.  Rousseau claims that justified civil law is actually an expression of one's own freedom, rather than being a restraint on one's behavior, because a just civil law:
  (a) expresses the general will, which itself is an expression of an individual will that is educated in what is required for social existence.
  (b) conforms to the will of the majority, since the will of the majority cannot create any law other than a just law.
  (c) is created when the social contract defines exactly what rights an individual has in the state of nature.
  (d) allows an individual to do anything he deems appropriate, as long as it is consistent with what his conscience dictates.

142.  According to Rousseau, the social contract is the basis for all civil or political obligations only insofar as it and all laws based on it are self-imposed.  Even people who disagree with a law are obligated to obey it because, as members of a society, they have imposed it on themselves, insofar as:
  (a) they will all laws as expressions of what is good for the community at large (the "common good"), even those particular laws with which they personally disagree.
  (b) their naturally virtuous and compassionate natures are perverted in civil society through customs that encourage people to act selfishly and insincerely.
  (c) they recognize that they are naturally perverse and need the restraints of law to control their selfish and insincere inclinations.
  (d) they agree to abide by the will of the majority, even when the will of the majority contradicts the general will to pursue non-selfishly the common good.

143.  Rousseau argues that even though people are naturally virtuous, they become selfish and insincere in civil society, because in civil society they are encouraged:
  (a) to base their interactions with others on a social contract rather than a meritocracy.
  (b) to think of people in terms of wealth or prestige instead of relying on their natural concern for others.
  (c) to obey only those laws that are self-imposed instead of those laws that are externally-imposed.
  (d) to develop their moral sensitivities through education.

144.  According to Rousseau, the social contract is our tacit agreement to abide by the general will.  The general will is:
  (a) always expressed by whatever the majority says is right, even if that contradicts our natural virtues.
  (b) what those in the ruling class say is best for them and thus best for the rest of society.
  (c) what we in a society genuinely will for ourselves, even if that occasionally contradicts the majority's vote.
  (d) the will of the government, the will to protect private property through educating citizens about the law.

145.  According to Rousseau, "The constant will of all the members of the State is the general will; it is by that they are citizens and free.  When any law is proposed in the assembly of the people, the question is not whether they approve the proposition or reject it, but if it is conformable or not to the general will, which is their will.  When, therefore, the motion which I opposed carries, it only proves to me that I was mistaken, and that what I believed to be the general will was not so."  Therefore, I am obligated to abide by the law even when I disagree with the law because:
  (a) the greatest happiness for greatest number of people is decided by the general will.
  (b) the general will is mistaken if it conflicts with the will of the individual.
  (c) the law expresses the general will and tells me about what I truly want as a member of society.
  (d) the general will is independent of, and always opposite to, the expressed will of the people.

146.  Though Rousseau condemns the ways that government institutionalizes moral and political inequalities, he indicates that civil society can have a positive influence on citizens by:
  (a) letting citizens develop their own laws based not on feeling but on philosophical theories and abstractions.
  (b) showing them how to define themselves by specifying their private property through laws.
  (c) guiding people (through public education) to resist the negative influences of society (e.g., valuing luxuries) and to develop their natural virtues (e.g., self-love, compassion).
  (d) doing away with those moral and political inequalities through disbanding government and returning to the state of nature.

147.  Rousseau claims that though human beings are naturally self-interested, they are not naturally selfish or motivated by pride.  Only the influences of social pressure make human beings selfish.  Through socializing education, however, people can be guided to resist influences that undermine their commitments to one another.  Those commitments are grounded in "the social contract"--which is:
  (a) the set of principles upon which individuals give up their rights to pursue what is naturally theirs and instead take pride in the actions of others.
  (b) an arrangement by which the government establishes laws that define what is morally good or evil.
  (c) the means individuals have for retaining their rights to do what they naturally want to do, even if that means taking delight in the suffering of others.
  (d) the agreement to abide by the general will, which is what we consciously or unconsciously will for ourselves as members of the community.

148.  Though Rousseau is considered more of a libertarian than an authoritarian, his social-political philosophy contains both classical liberal and conservative elements, insofar as he says that human beings are:
  (a) trustworthy in the state of nature only if they subordinate their personal wills to the general will.
  (b) naturally able to make good decisions about personal matters but need guidance in society.
  (c) individuals (with the right to make personal decisions) only if they are recognized as such by civil government.
  (d) able to distinguish decisions dealing with personal matters from those that have social, economic, or political implications.

149.  Which of the following IS NOT one of the objections that David Hume raises against the social contract?
  (a) No government is truly based on consent, for that would mean that the people could change their form of government at will (something no government would allow to occur).
  (b) Even if there were an original contract in our society, it is no longer binding on those who were not part of the original agreement.
  (c) In fact, there never was an original contract: governments were originally formed through conquest or illegitimate use of force.
  (d) The social contract is simply the means by which those in power have the right to express the will of the people.

150.  Government censorship of artistic expression and enjoyment can be based either on conservative or authoritarian principles.  What would be the difference?
  (a) The conservative does not care about the effect of art on personal morality as much as he cares about government support of the arts; the authoritarian says that personal morality is determined by art.
  (b) For the conservative, censorship is necessary so that individuals can develop personal moral ideals without government interference; for the authoritarian, censorship requires government interference.
  (c) The conservative thinks that art needs to be controlled because it appeals to irrational emotions; the authoritarian thinks that art needs to be controlled because of its social and political effects.
  (d) For the conservative, censorship is another means by which government interferes in the daily lives of citizens; for the authoritarian, censorship provides individuals with opportunities for moral growth.

151.  According to J. S. Mill, we must establish a guideline for determining what kinds of actions can be regulated by the majority of citizens.  Otherwise, the majority might impose its will on the minority.  His guideline for restricting the intrusion of others in the affairs of individuals:
  (a) allows the state to implement laws in order to improve the characters and consciences of the individuals it is established to serve.
  (b) limits the domain of law to where harm to another is involved, and the domain of justified social pressure to matters where society is offended though not harmed.
  (c) prohibits individuals from forcing their views on anyone else, even when those who are the objects of such force are engaged in acts that can or do harm others.
  (d) prevents the development of any individual values and restricts any actions intended to express individuality, because guidelines by their very nature are anti-individualistic.

152.  Critics of J. S. Mill point out that not only is his distinction between public and private matters too vague but also that the government has to educate citizens through laws so that they can achieve happiness.  Otherwise, people:
  (a) will be unable or unwilling to distinguish what is legal and illegal.
  (b) will think that their behavior harms others, when it is merely offensive or a matter of manners or taste.
  (c) will often be unable or unwilling to make informed, unprejudiced judgments.
  (d) can use either social pressure to control offensive behavior or persuasion in matters of manners or taste.

153.  J. S. Mill claims that civil laws (vs. social pressure or persuasion) should apply only to actions that harm other people.  Against this, critics raise objections.  Which of the following IS NOT one of those objections?
  (a) Sometimes government intervention is needed to prevent harm to the environment (as opposed to harm to persons).
  (b) In order to know how our actions affect others, we need education--which is government's job too.
  (c) Governments have always had a right to dictate matters of conscience and personal moral beliefs.
  (d) The distinction between harm to others and offensive behavior or differences in taste is not clear.

154.  In contrast to the libertarian view on free will, political or civil libertarianism concerns:
  (a) whether individuals have or should have the right to act without governmental or legal interference.
  (b) whether individuals have the right to form governments.
  (c) whether the civil liberties we enjoy are shared by other cultures.
  (d) whether individuals know that they are free to choose even when they are not physically able to act on those choices.

155.  Civil libertarians say that no government has the right to enact laws that protect people from themselves or force people to help others live a good life, because no one has:
  (a) an obligation to obey the state.
  (b) a civil right to a good life.
  (c) a sense of what is good for him/herself.
  (d) a natural right to liberty and property.

156.  Unlike Mill, some theorists argue that civil law should be used to enforce the moral beliefs of a community (e.g., on abortion or homosexuality).  Which of the following IS NOT a justification for this view?
  (a) Laws clarify and make precise exactly what the community's moral values are.
  (b) Laws promote the personal improvement and protection of individuals, even when those individuals do not understand or agree with such protection.
  (c) Laws recognize that all of our actions, even those which seem personal and private, ultimately have social consequences.
  (d) Laws assume that individuals will make up their own minds about how they would like to live in social contexts.

157.  Critics of the "laissez-faire" liberalism of J. S. Mill's social philosophy point out that, due to superstition, ignorance, custom, tastes, and even product loyalities, people often act in ways that are not rationally self-interested.  As a result, government intervention--in the form of mandatory universal education and control of the economy--is necessary to promote Mill's aim of the greatest amount of happiness for the greatest number of people.  But this seems to contradict Mill's insistence that civil laws should be employed only when people are being harmed.  How could Mill respond that his position does not, in fact, entail this contradiction?
  (a) By noting that laissez-faire liberalism is intended really as a means for introducing more, not fewer political constraints on personal and economic exchanges.
  (b) By saying that there is no clear line between what is harmful, offensive, or simply bad manners; and thus civil law is appropriate regarding any of these.
  (c) By pointing out that insisting on the rights of the individual is itself a form of the "tyranny of the majority."
  (d) By arguing that people can be educated to behave in economically desirable ways by social pressure and persuasion, without having to appeal to government intervention or laws.

158.  Libertarians claim that individuals have natural rights that do not depend on their being recognized by government.  The communitarian, on the other hand, believes that citizens have rights only because they share with others the traditions or goals of the community to which they owe allegiance: apart from that community (i.e., as outsiders to the community) people have:
  (a) no rights and are not identifiable as "persons" because they have no social function.
  (b) civil and legal rights in the community, even though they have no social obligations.
  (c) only natural rights (e.g., life, liberty, property), which society is obligated to respect.
  (d) a civil or legal obligation to respect the wishes of the community, even though they do not share in the benefits of community membership.

159.  According to classical liberals (e.g., John Locke, Adam Smith), one's own self-identity in a capitalist society is defined in terms of the modes of subsistence or labor by which one is able to identify his/her place in the social order.  This means that in a capitalist society individuals are assumed to be:
  (a) naturally inclined toward promoting the common good of society by subordinating their interests to those of the community.
  (b) obstacles to how the invisible hand of supply and demand controls the wealth of nations.
  (c) naturally self-interested and in competition with one another.
  (d) contributors to a laissez-faire economic system insofar as they are controlled by government.

160.  Liberal critics of laissez-faire libertarianism (e.g., Rawls) point out that, due to superstition, ignorance, custom, or simple bad luck, people often act in ways that are not rationally self-interested.  As a result, government involvement in education, business, and social programs is necessary to protect those who are unfortunate and to promote social justice.  If the libertarian claims that these tasks can be done by private businesses and volunteer organizations, the liberal can respond by noting that:
  (a) a government can succeed in promoting ideals of justice only if it assumes that people do not need its involvement or assistance.
  (b) education, business, and social interactions cannot occur without the protection of the military and public-safety functions of government (e.g., police, fire departments).
  (c) all so-called private matters (e.g., drug use, abortions, motorcycle helmet use) are really public matters, and all public matters (e.g., national defense, protection of property) are really private matters.
  (d) if that happens—and it is unlikely that it ever will—government involvement in such areas would be unnecessary because justice will have been achieved.

161.  Classical liberals are different from libertarians insofar as:
  (a) liberals think that government should tell people what to do because they are incapable to making good choices; libertarians think that governmental intervention is needed only when others are hurt.
  (b) liberals allow people to act immorally if that is what they want to do;  libertarians say that government should control people's actions since people cannot be trusted to act morally.
  (c) liberals define all so-called private matters (e.g., drug use, abortions, motorcycle helmet use) as public; libertarians define all public matters (e.g., national defense, theft, murder) as private.
  (d) liberals think that people generally can be trusted to make good personal decisions; libertarians think that government has no business telling people what to do except to maintain peace and security.

162.  Political conservatives and liberals differ on what kinds of freedom are central in defining what it means practically to be free.  Their differences can be summed up this way:
   (a) conservatives emphasize the metaphysical freedoms to be able to choose between real (even perverse) alternatives; liberals emphasize practical freedoms.
   (b) liberals emphasize the metaphysical freedoms to be able to choose between real (even perverse) alternatives; conservatives emphasize practical freedoms.
   (c) conservatives emphasize freedom to exercise abilities; liberals emphasize freedom from things (e.g., ignorance, unemployment) that prevent getting abilities.
   (d) conservatives emphasize freedom from things (e.g., ignorance, unemployment) that prevent getting abilities; liberals emphasize freedom to exercise abilities.

163.  "Against individualism, Fascism supports the State and supports the individual insofar as he coincides with the State.  Liberalism denies the State in the interests of the individual; Fascism reaffirms the State as the true reality of the individual.  For the Fascist, everything is in the State; nothing human or spiritual exists, much less has value, outside the State.  It is not the nation that generates the State; rather the nation is created by the State, which gives to the people a will.  Fascism is thus for liberty, the only liberty which can be a real thing, the liberty of the State and of the individual within the State."  In this passage Mussolini:
 (a) defends the belief that the individual can be free only if the State does not interfere in his/her life.
 (b) shows how the State can interfere in people's lives without having much impact on their freedom.
 (c) criticizes liberal individualism for its support of the communist or socialist emphasis on the State.
 (d) describes how notions of the individual and freedom themselves depend on the State.

164.  "You are horrified at our intending to do away with private property.  But in your existing society, private property is already done away with for nine-tenths of the population.  You reproach us with intending to do away with a form of property, the necessary condition for whose existence is the nonexistence of any property for the immense majority of society.  In one word, you reproach us with intending to do away with your property.  Precisely so; that is just what we intend."  In this passage Marx notes how:
  (a) the ownership of property is necessary to maintain distinctions of natural abilities.
  (b) capitalism's support for class distinctions is based on private property.
  (c) the very existence of a classless society requires that the majority of people have little or no property.
  (d) the difference between your property and mine is something that varies from one existing society to another.

165.  "Private property is the result of the analysis of the concept of externalized labor, i.e., externalized man, alienated work, alienated life, alienated man."  Here Marx argues that it is the privatization of property that permits property:
  (a) to be used precisely within the communist overcoming of alienation.
  (b) to serve as the basis for identifying the human (social) significance of nature.
  (c) to revolutionize the meaning of social enjoyment into an act of mutually gratifying exploitation.
  (d) to be owned and transferred, and thus divorced from the person's labor-existence.

166.  For Marx, capitalism alienates people both from the products of their labor and from themselves and others by:
   (a) permitting only the law, art, and philosophy to identify ways in which alienation can be overcome.
   (b) describing the ruling class (the bourgeoisie) as naturally sociable, when in fact it is not.
   (c) encouraging people to produce things that are useful to themselves and others.
   (d) forcing people to compete with others by having to sell the products of their labor to survive.

167.  "While alienated labor alienates (1) nature from man, and (2) man from himself, his own active function, his vital activity, it also alienates the species from man."  For Marx, alienated labor is thus characterized by thinking of nature, our professional activity (our jobs), and other people as:
  (a) important aspects of our own self-education in resisting the capitalistic features of communism itself.
  (b) objects or activities to be mastered, overcome, and appropriated in order to achieve individuality.
  (c) means by which human productivity can fashion the world, ourselves, and others according to communistic ideals.
  (d) different stages in the evolution of a Marxist notion of history.

168.  According to Marx, capitalism causes people to be alienated from (1) the things they make, (2) the labor that defines them personally, (3) their natures as productive creators, and (4) other human beings--all as a result of:
  (a) natural human inclinations to be selfish.
  (b) the economic institution of private property.
  (c) the conflict between proletariat and bourgeoisie.
  (d) the replacement of religion with secular values.

169.  According to Marx, if individuals are allowed to own private property, they will not share common goals or strive to achieve a dependable peace.  As long as there is the potential for dividing people from one another in terms of what they own, they will never identify themselves with one another and will always be engaged in class conflict.  This diagnosis, like his solution (communal ownership of property), assumes that:
 (a) each person should give according to his/her abilities and take according to his/her needs.
 (b) everyone is defined by what he/she produces and what he/she has control over.
 (c) liberalism, socialism, and communalism (or communism) are basically the same thing.
 (d) class conflict and self-interest are innate, natural characteristics of human beings.

170.  According to Marx, the primary purpose of government is to protect private property, and one of the ways it does this is by supporting religion.  Religion, he says, encourages people to accept their alienation from themselves and one another.  That is, religion promotes the view that:
   (a) alienation can be overcome only when people recognize how their economic status is determined by God.
   (b) no property is ever really private, because no one is ever really alone; there is always God.
   (c) the alienation of people from themselves is due to their being separated from the products of their labor.
   (d) economic oppression is a natural state that will be corrected in the afterlife of believers.

171.  Marx says that we should distribute goods, services, and obligations throughout society based on the rule "each according to his abilities, and each according to his needs."  In other words:
  (a) since needs and obligations are the same for everyone, everyone should receive equal treatment.
  (b) since needs and obligations vary from person to person, no social policy is ever just.
  (c) justice requires that each person feel obliged to do what he/she can for the community and to make demands on others only when necessary.
  (d) though the needs of a person are often greater than his/her abilities, it is still up to the individual to take care of those needs without making demands on others.

172.  Marx argues that only a revolution that does away with private property can counteract social alienation because:
  (a) only when property is communally owned will we stop thinking of people in terms of what they own.
  (b) a revolution will replace the naturally selfish, lazy inclinations of people with sociable (capitalist) values.
  (c) the working class appreciates the values of private property more than does the bourgeoisie (capitalists).
  (d) once capitalism finally succeeds in providing people with what they need, no revolution will be needed.

173.  Aristotle and Marx agree that people should be given what they need even if they do not do anything specifically to merit such treatment, because without such assistance they:
   (a) will insist that their unequal status gives them a right to even more than they deserve.
   (b) will not fulfill their human potential or be able to participate fully in deliberations about the common good.
   (c) will not be given what they deserve (in regard to distributive justice) and be punished retributively instead.
   (d) will insist on authoritarian solutions to personal issues and conservative solutions to governmental issues.

174.  Which of the following IS NOT a feature that Marx describes as giving meaning to a capitalistic lifestyle?
  (a) The pursuit of pleasure, power, wealth, or success prevents us from achieving human fulfillment.
  (b) The unequal distribution of wealth and power is natural and desirable as a means to motivate people.
  (c) Competition, not cooperation, is the key to personal and social success.
  (d) Having material possessions and not having to work are what make us happy.

175.  Though Epicurean hedonism is similar in certain respects to modern Western capitalism, it emphasizes a point that Marx says characterizes his position as well, namely, the belief that:
  (a) we should not trouble ourselves about things (e.g., economic systems) over which we have no control.
  (b) happiness should not be defined in terms of material things, since in the afterlife they mean nothing.
  (c) only the material world is real and life has meaning only in terms of this world; there is no afterlife.
  (d) work is a necessary evil one has to endure to obtain the means to develop friendships and gain wisdom.

176.  Though both communists and anarchists object to the need for government, they differ on their reasons for rejecting government, because:
  (a) communists see government only as a means to guarantee private property; anarchists see government as an obstacle preventing individuals from retrieving their autonomy and natural sociability.
  (b) communists view government as a means for bringing about liberal, socialist goals; anarchists object to their being any social goals whatsoever.
  (c) communists object to government because all organizations of power take advantage of the weak and poor; anarchists reject government because it is always inefficient and ineffective.
  (d) communists think of government as the means by which a people or nation has an identity; anarchists see government as damaging to the identities of individuals in society.

177.  According to philosophical anarchists, the State (or government) is unjust because it limits human freedom, and no State has a legitimate right or moral authority to limit the freedom of individuals through laws because:
  (a) no State can guarantee that everyone will obey laws and thus protect the rights of others.
  (b) without laws, the State is unable to indicate how individuals must act in order to be free.
  (c) laws can be morally obligating only if they are self-imposed by autonomous individuals.
  (d) the government's right to exercise power over individuals is the only means to avoid social chaos.

178.  According to anarchists, individuals have no moral obligation to obey civil laws because no government can have moral authority over individuals.  The state could have such authority—and thus a right to exercise power over its citizens—only if it were given it by individuals.  But individuals cannot give up their right to decide what they should do because:
  (a) they can be forced by the government to obey laws, even if they do not agree with those laws.
  (b) they will always find something about the laws of a state to object to or imagine better ways to do things.
  (c) they are responsible for their actions only if they, not the government, freely decide how they should act.
  (d) considering how there is no natural agreement among individuals about how to formulate laws, they can agree with one another only if they form a social contract.

179.  Fascist (or "organicist") social philosophies portray the individual as a function of the State: apart from the State, the individual is meaningless and lacks all value.  Marx's characterization of individualism as a capitalist doctrine may seem to make the same point.  But communism differs from fascism because, for the communist:
  (a) individuals are naturally self-interested and, therefore, look for every opportunity to resist governmental intrusions into their lives.
  (b) the only way to overcome one's individuality is by means of becoming "alienated" from oneself through communal labor.
  (c) the State (government) is merely a means by which the ruling class protects private property and prevents people from recognizing their social, communal inclinations.
  (d) only through State control of the means of production can individuals finally be assured that their private property will be protected.

180.  Though both the anarchist and the Marxist ultimately agree that the ideal social arrangement would be one in which there would be no government, they differ on why.  For the anarchist, the absence of government would allow individuals to pursue their own rational self-interest without interference from others.  The communist, on the other hand, would:
  (a) argue that government is necessary to protect the rights of the community.
  (b) deny individuals who insist on their own interests (at the expense of the interests of the group) any of the rights to private property that communists would have.
  (c) think of communal (though non-governed) activities as opportunities for human growth, not excuses for interference.
  (d) substitute for government a police network to control the actions of individuals in order to make sure that individuals did not think only of themselves.

181.  Though both the anarchist and the Marxist ultimately agree that the ideal social arrangement would be one in which there would be no government, they differ on why.  For the anarchist, the absence of government would allow individuals to pursue their own rational self-interest without interference from others.  By contrast, for the communist, the elimination of government would:
  (a) remove the institutional support for private property (thus allowing people to think of themselves communally, with common property, values, and goals).
  (b) require a redistribution of private property or wealth, in which case those in power (i.e., communist rulers in the state) would own all goods and services.
  (c) allow the "invisible hand" of free market forces to direct economic and social development (and thus, ultimately, human development).
  (d) make us appreciate why the fascist, authoritarian forms of communist governments are required in order to solve social problems.

182.  "When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared, and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast association of the whole nation, the public power will lose its political power.  Political power, properly so called, is merely the organized power of one class for oppressing another."  In this passage Marx describes the process by which:
  (a) communal values replace the need for political power and private property.
  (b) political power is used to maintain class distinctions by controlling production.
  (c) class distinctions are used to determine who, after the revolution, will rule.
  (d) those in power use the means of production to exercise political power.

183.  Critics of Marx (e.g., Hospers) claim that the communistic ideal of universal ownership would result in the gradual deterioration and exhaustion of resources, because:
  (a) some individuals would insist that the property be shared equally or according to need.
  (b) "freeloaders" would consume resources without being motivated to contribute anything to the communal good.
  (c) governmental bureaucracy would so clog up the operations of the commune that no work would get done by anyone.
  (d) government--even a Marxist government--is inherently and necessarily corrupt.

184.  According to Nozick's minimal state or "entitlement" theory, "To maintain a pattern one must either continually interfere to stop people from transferring resources as they wish to, or continually (or periodically) interfere to take from some persons resources that others for some reason chose to transfer to them."  This violation of the rights of individuals to dispose of their possessions as they see fit is based, he argues,  on a non-historical ("patterning") theory of justice, a theory of justice that:
  (a) protects individual rights by defining the individual or self as a social function.
  (b) redistributes resources so that wealthy individuals become poor and poor people become rich.
  (c) considers only how resources are distributed, not how the actual distribution came about.
  (d) acknowledges that people deserve only what they acquire themselves, not what they inherit.

185.  According to Nozick, government is justified in interfering with the ownership of property only if the property was originally obtained through violence, deception, or fraud.  But critics point out that, by adding this qualification, he undercuts his position that government has no right re-distributing wealth.  Why would such a qualification open him up to this criticism?
  (a) Because though some property has been obtained through violence, deception, or fraud, not all property has been obtained in those ways.
  (b) Because no government can seize someone's property without doing so violently or deceptively.
  (c) Because any (e.g., original) distribution of property would give some people an unfair advantage (e.g., regarding natural resources) and would thus violate the rights of others.
 (d) Because a government cannot even attempt to re-distribute wealth.

186.  According to Nozick, the government's collection of taxes from citizens is justified only if those taxes are used:
  (a) to prevent harm and protect property rights.
  (b) to promote foreign trade and private business.
  (c) to improve the social conditions of others.
  (d) to support education, roads, and farm subsidies.

187.  Nozick claims that as long as people initially acquire property justly (i.e., through labor or inheritance), they have a right not to have it taken from them through taxation for distribution to others.  Critics claim, however, that this overlooks two significant points, namely:
  (a) the State has the obligation to protect individuals' private property, and only an unlimited form of capitalism can produce a just society.
  (b) the legitimate use of power by the State is limited to preventing fraud or the use of force, and the confiscation of property through taxation is equivalent to forcing people to work for others.
  (c) socialism and liberalism achieve justice through distributing goods to all members of a society, and that patterned distribution is based on a history of trade, labor, purchases, gifts, etc.
  (d) the right to property is not an absolute right more important than all other rights, and the original acquisition of property almost always involves force, fraud, or some other injustice.

188.  According to Nozick's entitlement theory, the State is justified in taxing citizens to protect them from harm or loss of property.  This justification of the State is Nozick's response to the anarchist demand for no government because (Nozick claims):
  (a) even an anarchic society would have some government, civil laws, and social policies about matters other than those dealing solely with protection (e.g., roads, schools, social security).
  (b) in an anarchic society, people would hire others to protect their rights, and the strongest protection agency to emerge among competitors would be the State anyway.
  (c) the absence of laws in an anarchy would be a war of "all against all" in which the sheer act of collecting taxes would involve harm.
  (d) without taxes, government would be able to provide neither protection nor goods and services such as roads, schools, or social security.

189.  Nozick argues that the State is justified in taking private property only if the property is not acquired fairly through trade, labor, gifts, inheritance, etc.  But critics point out that this exception undermines his position because:
  (a) only the State can own property, since ownership requires the ability to protect property and enforce laws.
  (b) property cannot be acquired (through trade, labor, etc.) fairly unless everyone agrees to a social contract.
  (c) if the State takes someone's "private" property, then the State's action is by definition an unfair acquisition.
  (d) if we look far enough back we discover that all property is unfairly acquired, either by force, fraud, or the sheer luck of having been born with certain skills or relatives.

190.  According to Rawls, all members of a society have a legitimate claim to a share of the wealth of a society.  When individuals are systematically disenfranchised from their fair share (and thus not given the opportunity to compete equally for a portion of that wealth), it is the responsibility of government to:
  (a) protect the private property of those who have worked for what they own or who have inherited property legally.
  (b) make sure that no one is allowed to have any larger portion of that wealth than anyone else.
  (c) redistribute resources based on the natural abilities of citizens, not their needs.
  (d) correct those inequities by redistributing just enough resources from the wealthy to the poor to allow them to compete equally.

191.  Rawls' liberalism attempts to avoid both the total elimination of social differences (proposed by Marxists) and the potential for an act-utilitarian "tyranny of the majority," by suggesting that:
  (a) unequal treatment of minorities be permitted only if minority members benefit from such systematic inequality and have access to the benefits enjoyed by the majority.
  (b) any minority member should be able to ignore or violate the rules of the majority if the rules conflict with the minority member's conscience.
  (c) the majority can control what minorities do as long as the happiness experienced by the majority outweighs the unhappiness experienced by minorities.
  (d) as long as the minority continues to belong to a democratic society in which the will of the majority prevails, it must abide by the "tyranny" of the majority.

192.  In Rawls' theory, a just society could permit inequalities in wealth or authority only if the existence of such inequalities:
  (a) produces the greatest amount of happiness for the greatest number of people.
  (b) benefits everyone and everyone has equal opportunity to any position in the society.
  (c) respects the right of a person to control how his or her children are placed in society.
  (d) guarantees that everyone has exactly the same (equal) benefits and burdens in society.

193.  Rawls acknowledges that a just society could be one in which inequalities exist—but only if:
  (a) the existence of inequalities produces the greatest amount of happiness for the greatest number of people.
  (b) individuals in the "original position" can change their minds after they have been assigned social roles.
  (c) both rational and irrational individuals consent to such a society.
  (d) the existence of such advantages benefits everyone and these advantages are accessible to everyone.

194.  According to Rawls, a just society could be set up only by rational individuals whose original position would be:
  (a) a state of nature in which everyone would be in a constant war of "all against all."
  (b) one in which those individuals could choose which advantages they would have in a society they create.
  (c) one of wealth, power, and prestige, which could be lost only through incompetence or bad luck.
  (d) one in which they will not know their social place or which social advantages/disadvantages they will have.

195.  According to Rawls, a liberal theory of justice does not necessarily require everyone in the society to have equal wealth and power, as long as such inequalities:
  (a) work to the advantage of all, and everyone has access to the privileges of wealth and power.
  (b) do not result in some people having more wealth or power than other members of society.
  (c) do not guarantee that government would provide everyone with a minimum standard of living.
  (d) permit people to achieve positions of wealth and power that justify their being considered simply better than others.

196.  In Rawls' liberal social contract theory, everyone has equal rights to pursue his or her own ends (as long as the rights of others are not infringed).  But in a just society, he says, there can still be inequalities, if:
   (a) the existence of inequalities in income and prestige benefits everyone and everyone has access to them.
   (b) each person's "original position" in the social framework is chosen from behind the "veil of ignorance."
   (c) everyone in the society has the same income, social prestige, and respect.
   (d) only legitimate governmental agencies are allowed to redistribute wealth and privileges according to agreed-upon criteria (e.g., race, gender, income).

197.  According to Rawls, "The principles of justice for the basic structure of society are the object of the original agreement.  They are the principles that free and rational persons concerned to further their own interests would accept in an initial position of equality as defining the fundamental terms of their association."  Here Rawls indicates how in a just society social relations would be based on:
  (a) natural abilities as differentiated in the state of nature.
  (b) fairness.
  (c) what the majority would yield to minorities.
  (d) the right of rationally self-interested individuals to determine their own standards of justice without governmental interference.

198.  Which of the following IS NOT an objection raised against Rawls' theory of justice?
   (a) Many people would risk being at the bottom of society if the benefits at the top were great enough.
   (b) Not knowing what place we will occupy in a "just" society makes an informed consent to it impossible.
   (c) Individuals under a veil of ignorance should endorse a theory that gives them as much liberty as possible.
   (d) To allow inequalities in society would jeopardize the self-esteem of those at the bottom of society.

199.  Both Rawls' theory of social justice and Mill's utilitarian theory are called egalitarian theories because they insist on one essential point, namely, that in determining the distribution of goods and services in society:
  (a) some people are simply more qualified than others, and thus deserve to receive more.
  (b) there is always dissatisfaction with how benefits are distributed, so no system is right.
  (c) allocation of resources to the majority must equal the resources available to minorities.
  (d) individuals are to be treated equally unless another principle overrides equal treatment.

200.  In response to anarchists and civil libertarians, we might argue that civil laws and legal coercion (that is, forcing someone to do something) are necessary to protect individual rights.  Such a reply, though, would be insufficient to justify the activities of many modern states, because these governments:
  (a) provide services which are concerned more with promoting the general good rather than protecting rights alone.
  (b) seldom if ever claim to do anything except protect the rights of their citizens.
  (c) are comprised of individuals whose rights do not need to be protected by government.
  (d) are democratically elected and are therefore justified in passing laws in regard to any area that the majority sees fit.

201.  "It is manifest that, during the time men live without a common power to keep them all in awe, they are in that condition which is call war, and such a war as is of every man against every man."  In this passage:
  (a) Plato indicates why a just system of social existence cannot permit individuals to pursue their own self-interests.
  (b) Hobbes describes the state of nature condition of human beings unregulated by law.
  (c) Jefferson provides the justification for why a people (e.g., the American colonists) should free themselves from the tyranny of British law.
  (d) Rousseau recommends that threats of punishment educate children to obey the law.

202.  "The constant will of all the members of the State is the general will; it is by that they are citizens and free.  When any law is proposed in the assembly of the people, the question is not to enquire whether they approve the proposition or reject it, but if it is conformable or not to the general will, which is their will.  When, therefore, the motion which I opposed carries, it only proves to me that I was mistaken, and that what I believed to be the general will was not so."  Here:
  (a) Mill shows how the greatest happiness for greatest number is decided by the general will.
  (b) Marx claims that the general will is mistaken if it conflicts with the will of the individual.
  (c) Rousseau indicates how individuals learn what they truly want for themselves as members of society by relying on laws expressing the general will.
  (d)  Hegel identifies the general will as the will of the State which is independent of, and sometimes even opposite to, the will of the people.

203.  "A man is just in the same way that a state is just.  When each of the three orders in the state does its own proper work, the state is just.  Only when a man has linked the three parts of his nature together in well-tempered harmony will he go about doing what he does honorably."  Here:
  (a) Marcuse shows how under advanced capitalism no individual can ever achieve the balance or harmony of personality needed to have the good life.
  (b) Plato indicates how balance of parts in the just state parallels the balance of parts of the soul in the just person.
  (c) Mill claims that the state is just only when it limits its intrusion in the lives of its citizens to matters where harm to others is involved.
  (d) Mussolini suggests that the only way the state can be just is if the individuals who make up the state are themselves just.

204.  "A legitimate covenant is [based on] the social contract because it can have no end but the common good.  Individuals see the good and reject it; the public desires the good but does not see it.  Both equally need guidance.  Individuals must be obliged to subordinate their will to their reason; the public must be taught to recognize what it desires."  In this passage:
  (a) Mill defines the social good as the greatest happiness for the greatest number.
  (b) Nozick indicates how personal interests prevent us from knowing what is good and what is not.
  (c) Locke argues that individuals in the state of nature need to be educated to form societies.
  (d) Rousseau claims that individuals should submit to legitimate social contracts because, in doing so, they obey nobody but their own will.

205.  "The great and chief end, therefore, of men's uniting into commonwealths and putting themselves under government is the preservation of their property."  In this passage:
  (a) Locke points out that individuals form governments because they want to improve and protect the resources necessary for them to live well.
  (b) Plato claims that, because just and equitable systems of government are formed from behind the veil of ignorance, no one can know how much property he will have.
  (c) Hobbes shows why concentrating on this-worldly possessions (property) forces men to turn away from God and toward civil authority.
  (d) Rousseau warns against either relying for our happiness on the things we own or depending on government to protect our property.
 
 

Answers:
 
 

1.  B 2.  A 3.  B 4.  A 5.  B 6.  B 7.  A 8.  B 9.  A 10.  B 11.  B 12.  A 13.  A 14.  A 15.  A 16.  B 17.  B 18.  B 19.  B 20.  B 21.  B 22.  A 23.  A 24.  A 25.  B 26.  A

27.  A 28.  A 29.  A 30.  B 31.  B 32.  A 33.  A 34.  A 35.  A 36.  B 37.  A 38.  A 39.  A 40.  A 41.  B 42.  B 43.  B 44.  B 45.  A 46.  A 47.  B 48.  A 49.  B 50.  B 51.  A 52.  A

53.  A 54.  B 55.  B 56.  B 57.  A 58.  A 59.  B 60.  A 61.  A 62.  B 63.  B 64.  B 65.  A 66.  A 67.  A 68.  A 69.  A 70.  A 71.  A 72.  A 73.  B 74.  A 75.  B 76.  A 77.  B 78.  B

79.  A 80.  A 81.  B 82.  B 83.  B 84.  B 85.  B 86.  A 87.  B 88.  B 89.  B 90.  B 91.  A 92.  A 93.  A 94.  A 95.  B 96.  A 97.  A 98.  A 99.  B 100.  B 101.  A 102.  A 103.  A 104.  B

105.  B 106.  B 107.  B 108.  B 109.  A 110.  D 111.  B 112.  B 113.  D 114.  B 115.  A 116.  C 117.  B 118.  C 119.  A 120.  C 121.  D 122.  A 123.  D 124.  B 125.  D 126.  D 127.  C 128.  A 129.  C 130.  A

131.  D 132.  D 133.  C 134.  C 135.  D 136.  A 137.  A 138.  B 139.  C 140.  B 141.  A 142.  A 143.  B 144.  C 145.  C 146.  C 147.  D 148.  A 149.  D 150.  C 151.  B 152.  C 153.  C 154.  A 155.  B 156.  D

157.  D 158.  A 159.  C 160.  D 161.  D 162.  C 163.  D 164.  B 165.  D 166.  D 167.  B 168.  B 169.  B 170.  D 171.  C 172.  A 173.  B 174.  A 175.  C 176.  A 177.  C 178.  C 179.  C 180.  C 181.  A 182.  A

183.  B 184.  C 185.  C 186.  A 187.  D 188.  B 189.  D 190.  D 191.  A 192.  B 193.  D 194.  D 195.  A 196.  A 197.  B 198.  C 199.  D 200.  A 201.  B 202.  C 203.  B 204.  D 205.  A